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Farewell, Robert Mugabe

Zimbabwe’s ruler is a symbol of western as well as African wrongs, says Stephen Chan.

Robert Mugabe's retort to western condemnation of his brutal suppression of opposition protesters in mid-March 2007 was typical, defiant, fighting talk. "Go hang", was his message to the west - although it was as much a message to African presidents. The Tanzanian president, Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, had just paid him an unscheduled visit and had (in private) expressed deep concern. Even the normally uncritical South African and Zambian governments voiced worry about concern about events north and south of their border. To Africa, Zimbabwe and Mugabe are a deep embarrassment.

At the same time, the situation represents a mixed picture. The nationalisation of land was a necessary completion of the project of independence. This was supported throughout Africa. Its unplanned and brutal nature, without compensation and without any plans for the sustaining of agricultural production, was the first stage of profound discomfiture. The second stage was how Mugabe was prepared to persecute his political opposition, at a time when Africa generally was edging towards greater democracy and toleration.

For South Africa, in particular, the problem of how to deal with Mugabe has three key aspects. The first is how to separate the need for land reform from the mindlessness with which it was carried out. The second is how to ensure a collapsed economy doesn't trigger meltdown in the surrounding countries. South Africa itself has over a million Zimbabwean refugees on its soil; many are women and unaccompanied children, while others are blamed for involvement in violent criminal activity. The third is how to respond to Mugabe's fighting talk - because this is the talk of liberation, and many people in Africa would like to taste the fruits of liberation. The end of apartheid in South Africa has not brought an end to inequality.

But with all this said, how does Mugabe survive in a country with 1,700% inflation, predicted to reach 4,000% by the end of 2007? Even his elite supporters are starting to feel the pinch. And that is the point precisely: he has had much support, and this support really believed in the project of nationalism. Seven years after the farm invasions it is clear to everyone that man does not live on bread alone - but bread is rather necessary to keep life going. Year by year, Mugabe's support has eroded and now 2007 is becoming a tipping-point for him.

Stephen Chan is professor of international relations in the University of London and dean of law and social sciences at the School of Oriental and African Studies. Among his twenty-seven books are Robert Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence (University of Michigan Press, 2003) and Grasping Africa: A Tale of Tragedy and Achievement
(IB Tauris, 2007)

Will it be the brave opposition that brings him down? The opposition is in fact divided and had lain dormant for a long time before the March protests. It would always have struggled to form a strong cabinet. It has no plans on how to regenerate momentum for their cause, and Mugabe will simply keep crushing their demonstrations. Will it be a palace coup, led by key figures in Mugabe's own Zanu-PF party? They might sacrifice the old man to keep in power themselves. But the strongest factions in the party are led by figures closely associated with the security forces. That is precisely why they could be successful if they moved against Mugabe - but it means no end to authoritarian government. The old man's paranoia might be taken out of authoritarianism, but it would still be authoritarianism.

Even so, Mugabe is now a symbol of everything wrong in Africa. As soon as the symbol is removed, no matter how, the world will take a deep breath and begin to help rebuild Zimbabwe (though, as Michael Holman argues in openDemocracy, the details of the recovery plan need to be thought through carefully in advance). But the very readiness to help post-Mugabe Zimbabwe also means the world was prepared to let Zimbabweans suffer, and that they were used as bargaining-chips in the war against Mugabe and what he represents. There is a large question-mark hanging over the entire western mode of behaviour in this case.

In the end, Zimbabwe must play the lead role in rebuilding itself - albeit with help from the west. It is a country in which both government and opposition are full of highly-qualified intellectuals. But an intellectual is not a technocrat. A person of great urban sophistication is not a farmer. And that perhaps is the simple tragedy of Mugabe. He is by far the best educated of all African leaders. He is the Jesuit of the continent, both in his habits and his intellect. But his hands are soft. For all his vigour at 83, it is the vigour of a man who has never made maize grow with his own hands - and would not know how.

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Stephen Chan, Robert Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence (IB Tauris, 2002 and University of Michigan Press, 2003) US,UK

Stephen Chan, Grasping Africa: A Tale of Tragedy and Achievement (IB Tauris, 2007) US,UK

 
This article is published by Stephen Chan, , and openDemocracy.net under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge with attribution for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. If you teach at a university we ask that your department make a donation. Commercial media must contact us for permission and fees. Some articles on this site are published under different terms.

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peter.a.kiss said:



Fri, 2007-03-23 19:08
Randon,

Land reform is OK and reasonable if all the available agricultural land is already taken. My impression is that in 1980 there was still plenty of good quality land available that was 1. not owned by white farmers 2. not in a TTL, 3. not desert, swamp or rock, 4. not urban area. The Land Apportionment Act had reserved 80 million acres for white purchase, but whites had been in no rush to buy, and in 1980 something like half of this was still available. Sure, it had to be broken up, cleared/drained/irrigated/fertilized – whatever you do with land to turn it into a farm. Sure, it is easier (and far more satisfying) to chase away whitey and take over his property – look where it led.

"To deny debate and to refuse to accept the need for land reform in much of Africa is an open invitation for recent Zimbabwean history to repeat itself and for violent conflict in other African states."

Zimbabwe seems to have been history repeating itself – the same things happened there, as in other colonies following independence. Exactly the sort of thing Ian Smith saw in Kenya, in the Congo, and elsewhere. Exactly the sort of things he tried to prevent happening. Not only to the whites, but also to the blacks. It is Africa's tragedy that he could not pull it off, that he was not a more skillful politician.

peter.a.kiss said:



Fri, 2007-03-23 17:16
Emmanuel,

You may want to refresh your knowledge (if any) of Rhodesia.

Yes, it was more or less an apartheid state, with far more resources available for the whites than for the Africans. But with government services (health, education, etc) of a much higher standard for blacks than in most majority-rule African nations. With a blueprint gradually to increase black participation in the political process. With security forces that were 75 per cent black, and never any shortage of volunteers. Only two units (SAS and RLI) segregated, the rest integrated, often enough with black officers commanding whites.

Censorhip? Yes – there was a war on, and they had their back to the wall. Violent racism? Violence, yes – as I said, there was a war on. Racism? Perhaps, yes. But the two together (violence due to the victim's race)? I am sure that happened, too. Just as it happens occasionally everywhere else. But it was hardly the defining characteristic of the country.

"Nice of you to blame black Zimbabweans in gneral for Mugabe's vicious behaviour. "

Well, 1. he may be a talented man, but even he could not have achieved such comprehensive destruction single-handed – he must have had plenty of help, and 2. they chose him, out of a field of four or five candidates, and stuck with him even when he proved to be just another deeply tanned Hitler.

Ian D. Smith has been right.

emmanuel goldstein said:



Thu, 2007-03-22 15:10
Peter Kiss,

Rhodesia was widely disliked because it was a particularly ugly little fascist state; censorship and violent racism were the order of the day. It was also widely disliked because the leadership was rather proud of these vices.

Nice of you to blame black Zimbabweans in gneral for Mugabe's vicious behaviour.

Todd asks:

[How would you like to have your land invaded!]

Not a lot, which is why land reform was, and remains, necessary.

Randon said:



Wed, 2007-03-21 17:46
Overall a good article. A rational analysis of issues facing Zimbabwe, and indeed many African states, which avoids an over reliance on the emotive at the expense of the logical. Whilst Mugabe is not on my Christmas card list the colonial attitudes that still pervade much Western thinking have been clearly demonstrated through the genral response, both in political circles and amongst the general public, to this entire issue.

Stephen is correct when he states that nationalisation of land (or at the least, some form of broad land reform) is part of the necessary completion of independance for many African states. This is especially true of those like Zimbabwe whose economies are (and historically have been) largely reliant on the export of primary agricultural goods and where historically these sectors have been tightly controlled by colonisers. Anyone with an understanding of colonialism and neo colonialism would be likely to accept that principle whether or not they ultimately percieve nationalisation of key industries or the actual process of decolonisation as good or bad. Although I accept that those whose history and identity is rooted in colonialism (the colonisers and their progeny) may not wish to see or admit it. It does not surprise me that the other comment specifically regarding land reform is so vociferously opposed to any such concept considering the origins of the contributor. I do not mean that as an insult or a slight on the contributor, his history or the history of his country, it is merely a statement of fact.

Stephen Chan is also right to point out the knock on effects this has on South Africa and how the substance of the issue limits South Africa's response. Nearly a decade ago I wrote a short piece on the 'end' of apartheid in South Africa and the dangers of a continuing economic apartheid on the stability of that society. Almost ten years on I feel that in real terms little has changed, indeed spiralling crime is one indicator that I was correct. In the long term this situation is unsustainable. It will most likely drive demands for far reaching (and perhaps ultimately counterproductive) reform from the poorest sectors of society, perhaps to a point where what has happened in Zimbabwe is repeated in South Africa � perhaps worse. The South African government would do well to learn from this experience and act now in a manner which is just and fair, to avoid repeating the mistakes made by Mugabe, to limit the chance of violent, and ultimately destructive, change.

While Robert Mugabe may not be the most savoury of characters this issue isn�t as black and white as the prevailing mood, crafted by an interested elite in the west, leads the majority of people to believe. The irony being that this issue is to a large extent precisely about black and white. Robert Mugabe�s actions are debatable, and should be debated if only to prevent similar events happening in other African states. To deny debate and to refuse to accept the need for land reform in much of Africa is an open invitation for recent Zimbabwean history to repeat itself and for violent conflict in other African states. Where land reform is necessary they would do well to look at Zimbabwe as an example of how not to do it rather than why not to do it, the latter being the example I�m sure most interested elites in the west would rather create.

As a criticism of the piece I would have liked to see more meat on the bone. Its a little thin and could do with some more depth. All in all I�d like to see more from Stephen Chan in the future.

peter.a.kiss said:



Wed, 2007-03-21 17:15
I am old enough to remember the world in the seventies. Rhodesians were the only people you could openly hate and not be called a racist - in the name of social justice, equality and human rights the whole world turned against them. Even S. Africa, for its own reasons, begun to twist their arm. The Rhodesians held out far longer than any other nation would have in such circumstances. When they finally cracked and surrendered, everyone was happy - justice was finally achieved, the native Africans were empowered, they could vote and run for office, they could compete on an equal footing with the whites. Utopia.

In the follwing 27 years they managed to turn a prosperous economy into a train-wreck, Africa's breadbasket into Africa's beggar. And they did it with far more casualties than the bush war had caused. Sure, there was injustice in Rhodesia. I am not sure, that it was on the same scale as it has been in Zimbabwe.

Ian D. Smith has been right.

todd said:



Wed, 2007-03-21 00:36
Stephen Chan has to be the stupidest man on the planet.

" The nationalisation of land was a necessary completion of the project of independence. "

Wrong!

"The first is how to separate the need for land reform from the mindlessness with which it was carried out. "

It was "mindless" to carry it out. There was no need for land reform!

"But with all this said, how does Mugabe survive in a country with 1,700% inflation, predicted to reach 4,000% by the end of 2007?"

DEFAULTS = INTEREST + INFLATION is the governing equation for responsible management of a media of exchange ... not exactly rocket science!

" Seven years after the farm invasions it is clear to everyone that man does not live on bread alone"

How would you like to have your land invaded!

" It is a country in which both government and opposition are full of highly-qualified intellectuals. But an intellectual is not a technocrat. A person of great urban sophistication is not a farmer."

So ... it's the intellectuals who are stupid? I agree!!!

"He is by far the best educated of all African leaders."

Then the "education" is clearly suspect.

Todd Marshall

Plantersville, TX

bergergm said:



Wed, 2007-03-21 08:08
It is a silly, wishy-washy article which implies that Mugabe's behaviour is somehow debatable. It's not. He's a paranoid, power-obsessed megalomaniac who has brought a genuinely promising country to the very brink of catastrophe and has brought misery and often death to millions. And please let's not have that rubbish about urban sophisticates. Are you suggesting that some 'urban sophisticates' inadvertently brought about the collapse of Zimbabwe because they didn't understand farming? Are you serious?

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